Viewing cable 10BAKU127, AZERBAIJAN: WHO OWNS WHAT VOL. 2 - THE MINISTER OF
| Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 10BAKU127 | 2010-02-25 05:05 | 2010-12-06 15:03 | SECRET | Embassy Baku |
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S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 04 BAKU 000127 SIPDIS COMMERCE FOR D.STARKS EEB/CBA FOR T.GILMAN DEPT PLEASE PASS TO USTR FOR C. MORROW AND P. BURKHEAD EO 12958 DECL: 02/24/2020 TAGS ECON, EINV, EIND, ETRD, KCOR, PINR, PGOV, RS, KS, IR, TU, AJ SUBJECT: AZERBAIJAN: WHO OWNS WHAT VOL. 2 - THE MINISTER OF EMERGENCY SITUATIONS, BELUGA CAVIAR, AND FRUIT JUICE
(C-RE9-02494; C-RE9-02493; C-RE9-02492) REF: BAKU 54 Classified By: Charge d’Affaires Don Lu, a.i., for reasons
1.4(b) and ( d). ¶1. (S) SUMMARY: This cable is the second in a series that
profiles the most powerful families in Azerbaijan, both
in terms of economic and political power. This issue
features Minister of Emergency Situations Kamaladdin
Heydarov and his family. Heydarov was previously Chairman
of the State Customs Committee, and his hand-picked successor
now operates that agency, one of the most corrupt operations
in Azerbaijan. The Heydarov family, which controls a business
empire in Azerbaijan ranging from fruit juice production to
real estate development, is the second most powerful commercial
family in Azerbaijan, after the Pashayev family (into which
President Aliyev married). End Summary. The Man Behind the Power ------------------------ ¶2. (S) Kamaladdin Heydarov is the most powerful member of
this family, and some observers have said he might be even
more powerful than the President himself. (COMMENT: Post does
not believe this is true, although Heydarov controls more visible
assets and wealth within the country than the President.
End Comment.) His father, Fattah Heydarov, is a Member of
Parliament from the mountainous Qabala district, which serves
as a home base for the family outside Baku. Fattah was
Secretary of the Ordubad (and later Julfa) District Party
Committee during Soviet times, and served as Minister of
the Welfare Service of Nakhchivan from 1976 to 1978 and later as Nakhchivan’s Minister of Culture from 1983 to 1995. ¶3. (S) Kamaladdin Heydarov was Chairman of the State
Customs Committee for nine years, and since 2006 has
been head of the para-military Ministry of Emergency
Situations (MES), which acts as a super-Federal Emergency
Management Agency, Fire Marshall, health and safety
inspector, and overall regulator of many aspects of the
economy. Born in 1961, he holds a degree in Geology and
International Law from the Azerbaijan State University.
He held executive positions in a number of private and
public enterprises prior to his appointment at the ripe
old age of 35 as Chairman of the State Customs Committee
(SCC), an agency that is notoriously corrupt, even by
Azerbaijani standards. Heydarov’s rise to power was
partly a result of the strong relationship between his
father Fattah and former President Heydar Aliyev
(also from Nakhchivan), but also partly a result of
Heydarov’s strong management skills. As he gained wealth
for the ruling party, Heydar Aliyev’s respect for him grew,
until finally he was entrusted with the valuable role of
Chairman of the SCC. ¶4. (S) The State Customs position allowed him to gain his
massive wealth, as significant illicit payments were paid
“up the food chain” in an elaborate and well-orchestrated
system of payoff and patronage. Heydarov likely still
enjoys a sizeable income from the SCC, as it is
controlled by his loyal successor. When President Ilham
Aliyev appointed Heydarov as Minister of Emergency
Situations in 2006, he was replaced at the SCC by his
Deputy Aydin Aliyev. Aydin Aliyev is not related to
President Aliyev, and Heydarov is Aydin Aliyev’s sole
benefactor, a symbiotic relationship in which Aliyev
presumably gives undying loyalty (and a hefty cut) to
the powerful Heydarov in order to retain his position.
When Charge first met Heydarov in 2007, the Minister
had been in office for less than a year but had a chest
full of military ribbons that would rival the U.S.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs. Presumably he transferred
them directly from his old State Customs uniform. The Ministry of Everything Significant (MES) -------------------------------------------- BAKU 00000127 002 OF 004 ¶5. (SBU) The Ministry of Emergency Situations (MES)
has consistently proven itself to be one of the most
powerful ministries in Azerbaijan. It is suspected to
have the largest revenue of any Ministry. It even has
its own para-military unit, consistent with other such
ministries in the CIS. Heydarov mentioned to a visiting
Washington VIP in 2008 that his ministry had recently taken
control of an anti-aircraft battery near Baku in which he
had served as a young conscript during Soviet times.
The Ministry now controls the fire departments and other
emergency services, fire code inspections, state grain
reserves, and construction licensing. This last area of
responsibility (perhaps the most important for foreign
entities operating in Azerbaijan) also covers building
inspectors who can interfere with, delay, or stop any
construction project they declare to be “unsafe.” In fact,
MES staff have previously warned American and other foreign
businessmen that their purview covers anything that is
associated with temperature, pressure, or isotopes --
categories broadly interpreted to include just about
everything under the sun. ¶6. (SBU) It is often said mockingly that in Azerbaijan’s
judicial system, one can only win a case if one is
friends with the judge - or if introduced by Benjamin
Franklin (read: significant cash). Of course being known
to the judge as politically powerful is another path to
courtroom victory. The path to certifying a building’s
safety is likely similar, and the true structural integrity
of Baku’s recent construction boom is suspect. In 2007,
a multi-story high-rise under construction crashed to the
ground, killing several workers. In January 2010, three
workers were killed when they fell from a building under
construction on high-rent Neftchiler Prospect (reftel).
Suspect construction is widespread in Baku, as new,
speculative real estate ventures in central Baku
(including high-rise buildings) are largely vacant,
while practical buyers bid up the prices of flats in
“Stalin-ka” buildings that pre-date independence.
These older buildings, which tend to be low-rise,
are thought to have had higher construction standards
and generally be safer and more dependable. ¶7. (S) These types of market developments do not bode
well for the reputation of MES, which is widely viewed
as a cash cow for Baku’s elite, and the Heydarov family
in particular. If an event such as an earthquake led to
widespread destruction of property, it is assumed that
outrage would be private, rather than public, and would
not boil over into attacks on contractors or corrupt bureaucrats,
as was the case after the 1999 earthquake in Istanbul.
Some less powerful contractors would become easy targets,
but the true architects of disaster such as Heydarov’s MES
would find a way to use its resources and the tools of the
state to escape any reprisal. His Boys and Their Toys ----------------------- ¶8. (S) Kamaladdin’s two sons, Nijat Heydarov and Tale Heydarov,
have recently expressed a desire to purchase two Gulfstream
jets, valued at $20 million each. The family also owns an
Airbus A319 corporate jet that is presently undergoing
cabin completion in Basel, Switzerland. According to
initial reports, ownership of the Gulfstreams would be
shared between “Shams al Sahra FZCO” (registered in
Dubai to Tale and Nijat) and Mr. Manouchehr Ahadpur
Khangah, with Shams al Sahra and Kangah each holding
50 percent of each jet. Khangah was not previously known
to the Embassy, but according to information from
Gulfstream appears to be a citizen of both Iran and
Azerbaijan (unclear if he also holds other passports).
Purportedly as part of Patriot Act compliance, Gulfstream
asked the Heydarovs for information that would confirm the
lawful sources of their wealth. The BAKU 00000127 003 OF 004 Heydarovs provided Gulfstream an overview of their family
holdings, and it appears they own more businesses than any
other Azerbaijani family, including companies in food canning,
construction materials, concrete, asphalt, chemicals, bricks,
textiles, CD and DVD production (since licensed CDs or DVDs
are generally unavailable on the local market, these are
certainly all pirated), milk processing, tourism, gypsum
materials, leather, agriculture, pianos, alcohol and
spirits, juices, banking, insurance, and construction. ¶9. (C) One Embassy contact, XXXXXXXXXXXX referred to
Khangah as the Chief Executive Officer or “front man”
of a substantial portion of the Heydarov family
conglomerate. This contact noted that while Khangah is
listed as the official owner of various businesses, they
are very much Heydarov-owned operations in which Khangah
functions more as a manager. This source added that Khangah’s
role was mirrored by an unnamed Turkish citizen who
controls another segment of the family businesses. ¶10. (C) Many of the family,s operations are part of
the “Gilan,” “Qabala,” “Jala,” or “United Enterprises
International (UEI)” family of companies. Gilan Holdings
is omnipresent in Baku, as the company is one of several
major real estate developers and has been in the forefront
of Baku’s highly speculative real estate market. Observers
compare Gilan to Dubai World or Nakheel, although admittedly
on a smaller scale. The Heydarovs have largely cornered the
fruit juice market in Azerbaijan, maintaining extremely high
prices for locally produced juices and watered-down juice
drinks, while making life difficult -- with the help of State
Customs -- for cheaper competitors from Turkey, Ukraine and
Russia. When USAID tried to support the production and
distribution of pomegranate products in Azerbaijan, they
quickly learned that no one sells pomegranate juice, concentrate,
or derivatives from Azerbaijan without Heydarov’s permission.
Azerbaijan’s economy is largely dominated by monopolistic
interests, and observers suggest that the Heydarovs are at
the top of this mountain of non-competition. It is rumored
that the Heydarovs also have interests in the local Pepsi
bottler, the local license for Red Bull, British American
Tobacco, Japan Tobacco, and Imperial Tobacco. Heydarov has
readily admitted to visiting U.S. delegations that he owns
and operates the Caspian Fish Company which controls the
lucrative (and previously Russian Mafia-controlled) Beluga
Caviar production in Azerbaijan. ¶11. (S) The Heydarovs are also active in cultural endeavors.
Kamaladdin Heydarov is a composer and has written a song about
former President Heydar Aliyev that was sung by Azeri singer
Aghadadash Aghayev. His wife is ethnic Korean, and he himself
is quite the Koreaphile; he is President of the Azerbaijan Taekwondo
Federation and owner of the recently opened high-end Korean
restaurant “Shilla.” Korean diplomats have confirmed that
Heydarov was the protector for several major business deals,
but have complained that many of these deals have gone awry
after the Korean firms refused to pay adequate patronage to
Heydarov. ¶12. (C) Heydarov’s son Tale is the President of The European
Azerbaijan Society (TEAS), and has made rounds to U.S.
embassies in European capitals from his London base. The
“society” purports to be an independent advocacy group,
but its talking points very much reflect the goals and
objectives of the GOAJ. In recent meetings, Tale and his
cohorts have raised “Armenian aggression” in Nagorno-Karabakh
and “double standards” of U.S. human rights and democracy
reporting in the region, and complained about efforts of
the U.S. Congress to provide humanitarian assistance within
the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. Tale and/or Nijat also own
the Qabala Football Club -- perhaps as a small-scale effort
to replicate the Chelsea antics of Russia’s Roman Abramovich.
The Qabala squad is a virtual United Nations team, with BAKU 00000127 004 OF 004 players from across Europe, Latin America and Africa --
the best team money can buy, at least for central Azerbaijan.
Both sons were educated in London and presently live there.
Tale holds a B.A. in International Relations and History
from the London School of Economics and an M.A. in Security
and Global Governance from Birkbeck College, while Nijat holds
a B.A. in Politics and East European Studies from University
College London and an M.A. in Management, Organizations,
and Governance from the London School of Economics.
Some newspapers have reported that Tale might return to
Baku to become a Member of Parliament later this year. It’s Good to Be King -------------------- ¶13. (C) The family’s influence is strongest in the regions
of Qabala, Masalli, and Lenkeran. Postsuspects that
Heydarov continues to control the tate Customs Committee
and wield influence over the Ministry of Taxes, the Ministry
of Ecology and Natural Resources, and Ministry of Economic
Development, which is now led by a former Ministry of
Taxes official. Additionally, of course, Heydarov profits
significantly from widespread activities of the Ministry
of Emergency Situations. That ministry, according to
observers, may be the most sought after employer in official
Baku, as Heydarov has made a reputation for paying salaries
on time and in full. Employees benefit from perks of MES
employment, such as the ability to enroll children in one
of Baku’s best-looking and best-financed public schools.
Measures like these, contacts report, create a loyal
following for the minister among his minions. Turf Wars: Don’t Cross Kamaladdin --------------------------------- ¶14. (S) Embassy contacts note that Kamaladdin Heydarov
is currently in a “fight over grain” with Minister of
Agriculture Ismat Abbasov, and wants Abbasov replaced
by Member of Parliament Eldar Ibrahimov. Historically,
those who have fought with Heydarov have always fared
poorly: Farhad Aliyev and Heydar Babayev were (in succession)
driven out as Minister of Economic Development in part
after falling on Heydarov’s bad side. Both were billed
as reformers, and the economic reforms they were seen
to propose stood to hurt Heydarov’s interests at the State
Customs Committee and the Ministry of Emergency Situations.
In addition, some opposition newspapers had begun to call
them potential candidates for the position of Prime Minister.
Feeling threatened by their reform activity and growing
power, Heydarov allegedly put his foot down. Both were
removed from government and their business interests were
seriously damaged. Rumors circulated in 2009 that Heydarov
may have even been behind the assassination of Air Force
Chief and Deputy Defense Minister General Rail Rzayev.
The rumors point to the widely-reported forced landing
of Heydarov’s helicopter after it took off without
obtaining flight clearance. ¶15. (U) The next issue of “Who Owns What” will profile
the family of Ziya Mammadov, the Minister of Transportation.
With so much of the nation’s oil wealth being poured into
road construction, the Mammadovs also control a significant
source of rent-seeking. His holdings extend to the buses
that run throughout Baku. A recent television report asked
if the Mammadovs controlled mysterious construction company
ZQAN Holding; the reporter pointed out the letters of ZQAN
matched the initials of father Ziya, mother Qanira, son Anar,
and daughter Nigar. A ZQAN representative brushed this
aside as innuendo. LU
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